Bloggroll



//** UPDATED NEWS **தூத்துக்குடியில் உள்ள காமராஜ் கல்லூரியும் தமிழ் அநிதம் (அமெரிக்கா)-உம் இணைந்து “தமிழ் மொழியும் கணினித் தொழில் நுட்பமும் ” என்னும் தலைப்பில் ஒரு நாள் பன்னாட்டுப் பயிலரங்கம் 23-04-2022 அன்று நடைபெறுகிறது// **** APDATED NEWS ** ***








31 December 2011

TEACHING TENSE CONCEPT FROM ONE LANGUAGE TO ANOTHER



Paper Presented in the 7th International Congress on English Grammar, Organized by Bannari Amman Institute of Technology, Sathyamangalam
TEACHING TENSE CONCEPT FROM ONE LANGUAGE TO ANOTHER

Introduction
 Tense, as we all know, is a grammatical category whereas the time is semantic notion.  It can be interpreted that as far as the semantics is concerned, there are three times namely, present, past and future.  Of course, for all these three semantic notions, three different markers are employed to represent these concepts in most of the languages.  But not all the languages have such distinguished markers to denote these concepts.  Like in Old Tamil, there were only two kinds of tenses – past and nonpast – to stand for these three time concepts.  Here the nonpast includes present and future.  But in the later period only the marker for present tense was developed.  On the other hand, in modern Tamil, we are using three tenses to indicate these three semantic concepts.  Nevertheless, concerning the tense system in the languages, English uses the present tense marker to represent the habitual notion whereas such semantic notion is realized by sentence which involves the future tense marker in Tamil.  Thus this paper attempts to give an account of such notions briefly in order to explain the tense system in both the languages from the teaching point of view.
Habitual Notion
For instance, for the English sentence, The Sun rises in the East, which involves the present tense marker grammatically, the most corresponding sentence cuuriyan kilakkee utikkiRatu is not more relevant expression in Tamil: rather, it should be cuuriyan kilakkee utikkum.  The reason is that the proposition of the whole sentence expresses the timeless truth.  More accurately, one can claim that the habitual sense should, mostly, be indicated by the present marker in English but not by the same tense marker in Tamil; instead, the future marker is used to denote the habitual notion in Tamil.  In the same way, to indicate the ‘inductive truth’, the present form is, in general, used in English while the future form is attested to express this semantic notion in Tamil (as in sentence, eNNai niiril mitakkum (Oil floats on water).  Malayalam, too, uses the future form to indicate such notion (as is shown in sentence, eNNa veLLattil poŋŋum).
On the other hand, assuming that there is a context where someone is coming.  For the Tamil sentence, avan varukiRaan, the equivalent English sentence may be he is coming, rather he comes.  Grammatically speaking, the Tamil sentence and the second sentence of English here are more closely related and correspondingly perfect.  In other words, both the sentences have the present tense marker grammatically.  But, with regard to semantics, the usage is different from grammar in some cases despite not in all the cases.  So it should be taught carefully in every situation in those languages.  Or else, the learner makes mistakes without understanding these conceptual strategies.  So such strategies have to be taught properly as a result of which the learners can understand the proper knowledge about the tense system in both the languages. 
Orientation Time
“Temporal reference involves three times, Orientation Time, Reference Time and Event Time: for independent sentence, Orientation Time (OT) in English is Speech Time”, Smith (1981:215) views. That is, three times are needed to account for temporal reference in languages such as English, because sentences may refer to three different times. According to him, ‘sentences are oriented to speech time (ST) and may indicate a reference time that is simultaneous with or sequential to ST.  Reference time (RT) corresponds to account for some cases; Event Time (ET) may be simultaneous with or sequential to RT’, according to Reichenbach (1947).
                                  RT & ET                   ST
                                       O                           O                                     
For instance, take the sentence in Tamil, Sita neeRRu vantaaL, (Sita came yesterday), in which the event time is simultaneous with reference time; both of them precede the speech time because RT is past.  On the other hand, for the sentence, Sita naaLai varuvaaL, the diagramme would be the one given below:
                             ST                       RT & ET
                             O                               O                                             
In this case, the speech time precedes the reference time and event time.  In this context, there will be no hurdle for the learners of both languages because in both the languages structure is one and the same.  But in some cases, it would be difficult for the learners to understand the structure of one language to another for single semantic notion.  For instance, the sentence in English like He is coming is, in one sense, interpreted as avan vantukoNTirukkiRaan in Tamil.  This is the parallel structure of English, of course.  However, in another sense, we are not able to translate like that.  For example, the parallel sequence for the sentence like He is coming tomorrow in English is not the sentence like avan naaLai vantukoNTirukkiRaan in Tamil. Even in Malayalam, such type of sentence is not possible.  But the equalent sentence for this semantic structure is avan naaLai varukiRaan without the progressive marker.
Event Time
Consider the sentence in Tamil, Bhaarat varumpootu Kiran tuuŋkikkoNTiruntaan (Kiran was sleeping when Bharat came).  In this sentence, there are two events taken place, as far as the actions are concerned.  But both the events have, in one sense, completed before speech time, of course.  In these two events, one is progressive whereas the other one is non-progressive.  Here progressive activity is represented by ET2 and the non-progressive by ET1.  It can be explained diagrammatically:
                                                 ET1                      ST
                                               

           ET2
As already told, both the events are past and therefore both are represented by the past marker in this sentence.  However, as far as the durative notion is concerned, the durative action (ET2) is expressed by the progressive marker while the other event (ET1) by only the simple past in English.  With regard to aspect, the same nature almost prevails in Tamil, too, except tense marker in embedded sentence.  So the teaching materials should make clear such points to the learners of both the languages.  Almost, one and the same structure is attested in Malayalam like Bharat varumpooL Kiran uRaŋŋukayaayirunnu, (Kiran was sleeping when Bharat came), as in Tamil.  In the same way, we can explain past perfect in English.  Take, for example, the sentence in Tamil, Bhaarat varum munpee  Kiran vantiruntaan (Kiran had come before Bharat came).
                                       ET1                ET2                    ST
                                               
Here the Kiran’s coming is represented by ET1 and Bharat’s coming by ET2.  Therefore, the first action (ET1) in the Matrix sentence gets past perfect tense whereas the second action (ET2) in the subordinate clause gets simple past in both the languages.  But both have taken place before speech time.  So the way in which teaching should be semantic oriented, rather than the word by word, will enable the learners to improve their learning quality in the language someone is learning.   
Past-in-Future
Consider the sentences in Tamil and Malayalam, respectively, nii vanta piRaku tuuŋkuveen and taan vannu kaliññiTTu ñaan uRaŋŋum (I will sleep after you will come (here)). As far as the semantics is concerned, the time of action ‘coming’ is future with reference to the situation of the speech act; however, it has past tense marker morphologically in the subordinate clause of the sentence. That is, its tense is past-in-future.  In this respect, the past is oriented to the time expressed by the higher sentence whereas the future is oriented to the time at which the utterance is made. Conversely, in other sentence in Tamil, nii varummunpee tuuŋkineen (I had slept before you came), the tense specified by the subordinate clause here is future–in–past. (Here the future is anchored to the time interpreted by the main clause but the past is anchored to the situation of the utterance). One and the same structure like taan varunnatinu munpee ñaan uRaŋŋi is in Malayalam, too.  Nevertheless, such a future sense does not extend to the moment of speaking.   Here it is understood that the structures in Tamil and Malayalam are almost the same but its structure of English is different.  Thus the tense in subordinate clause of Tamil and Malayalam is past unlike in English.  Such a semantic notion and its parallel structure should be taught carefully to the learners of both the languages.  
Habitual-Past-Action:
To express the habitual-past-action, which means that an action’ was regular in the past but does not prolong  at the time of speech, English uses the forms like ‘used to’ whereas Tamil uses the future form associated with the past referential adverb in a sentence, munnaaTiyellaam Kiran aŋku varuvaan, (Kiran used to come there in the past).  Considering the markers used in these languages, there is no one to correspondent in the constructions.  One language uses the future marker whereas other language employs entirely different form.  The equalent sentence of Malayalam for this Tamil sentence may be paNTokke Kiran aviTe varumaayirunnu /*varum (Kiran used to come there in the past).  We are not able to use the simple future form in Malayalam, as is used in Tamil.  Instead, Malayalam language uses the aspectual form, aayirunnu. Therefore, we have to teach the grammatical elements only after knowing the semantic notion of the sentence in the individual language.  So it is better to know the proposition of the sentence first and then proceed to teach something.   
Bibliography
Comrie, B. 1985. Tense. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press.
Huddleston, R. 1969.     Some Observations on Tense and Deixis in English. Language-45 (777 -806).
Scheffer,  J.  1975.  The Progressive in English.  Amsterdam : North Holland.
Smith, C. S.  1981.  Semantic and Syntactic Constraints on Temporal Interpretation. In Syntax and Semantics (Tense and Aspect). Volume-14. New York : Academic Press.
Lado, Rabert. 1979. Language Teaching – A Scientific Approach, Tata McGraw Hill Publishing Co. Ltd., New Delhi.
@@&&@@


04 April 2011

DRAVIDIAN-INDO ARYAN COGNATES IN TOLKAPPIYAM


COURTESY:  Paper published in Language Vitality in South Asia
(Edited by Ali.R.Fatihi, Department of Linguistics, Aligarh Muslim University
Aligarh, India)
DRAVIDIAN-INDO ARYAN COGNATES IN TOLKAPPIYAM

Dr. A. Kamatchi

Assistant Professor
CAS in Linguistics
Annamalai University

INTRODUCTION
Tolkappiyam is the earliest grammatical written records not only for Tamil but also for other Dravidian languages.  Dravidian and Indo-Aryan are, as we all know, the separate families of languages.  Of course, cognates mean the forms, which indicate the same meaning with shape similarity and are available in the daughter languages of the same language family.  The reason for calling them as cognates here is that they could be treated cognates in terms of the rules applying to the methods in the comparative linguistics. 
This study is, of course, not ready to argue that no borrowings had been taken place in Dravidian languages from Indo-Aryan.  But it is evidenced there are a number of items borrowed from Indo-Aryan right from the post Sangam period to the early 20th century A.D.  But the so-called statement of borrowings in Sangam Tamil from Indo-Aryan seems to be disputable and questionable from the view point of comparative linguistics.  In the same way, while observing the so-called borrowings in Tolkappiyam, applying the rules to Dravidian linguistics is different from the rules applying to the so-called borrowings in Tolkappiyam.  One can feasibly know the fact that there could be no different of opinion in the application of the rules in the languages because there is a possibility for the linguists to treat the so-called borrowings in Tolkappiyam cognates.  That is, when the system of comparative methods such as metathesis, loss, change of one phoneme to other etc. within the languages of same family should be applied to the so-called borrowings of Tolkappiyam and Sanskrit forms, one can realize the fact that these are actually not borrowings but the cognates.   Thus, the study envisages the possibility to treat them as cognates from the various viewpoints of the comparative linguistics.


Undoubtful Cognates
            It is claimed that the following forms are undoubtedly cognates.  Of course, none of the scholar of comparative linguistics can argue that they are not cognates of the both language families.

Tol. Words


Sutra No.

Sanskrit Words

Page No.

Meaning

antam
1096
anta
 37
end, termination
antaram
1096
antara
 37
sky, open space
amar
1010
camara
318
war
amarar
1031
amara
 60
God
amiltam
1096
amrita
 61
*ambrosia, nectar
arai
    11
arddha
  71
half
alal
1029
anala
  27
fire
aaram
1586
haara
 973
garland
pala
  487
pelu, ‘much’

many
kaNavar

kaNa(pporuttam)

husband
karakam

karaka

waterpot
kaakam

kaaka
205
crow
karumam
   
karuma
karuman
197
198
action
kaamam

kaama
210
love
kaaraNam
 505
kaaraNa
213
cause
kaalai
kaalam                                                  
   22
 991
kaala
216
time
kuncaram
1521
kunjara
225
elephant
kuTi
  652
kuTi
226
*hut, house
kuNam
  899
guNa
291
quality
kuravai
1026
kura
232
sound, roar
kulai
1590
gulujcha
294
*cluster
kuLan
1141
kula
239
pond, tank
kai
1096
kara
283
hand
kutirai
1161
ghooTaka
311                                            
horse
caakkaaTu
1049
jyaa
355
death
caati
1545
jaati
347
caste
cuuttiram
1427
sutra
940
sutra
taN(mai)
1339       
taNDa

water (cooling)
ticai
  432
dis
410
direction
teyvam
  488
daiva
425
God  (divine)
teeem 
teeyam
1017
  990
deesa
424
country, nation
naaTakam
1003
naaTya

drama, dance
naali          
  241
nadi

mareal, eight part of a marakkaal or kuRuNi
pakuti
  501
prakruti
557
part
pakkam
  991
pakSa
490
side
palam
1592
phala

fruit
puu
  968
puSpa
546
flower
peem
  849
bheema
621
*fear
maa
1010
mahat

great
maa(maram)
  232
maakanda
654
*mango
vaNNam
  563
varNa
737
colour
vali
  850
vala
741
strenth / power

Metatheses Words
            These are the forms which are treated cognates based on the metathesis method of comparative linguistics.  The process of metathesis is very common in Telugu-Kuwi group (i.e. Telugu, Gondi, Konda, Pengo, Manda, Kui and Kuwi) among the Dravidian languages.  Here also, it quite possible to consider the following forms as cognates which are attested in both Dravidian and Indo-Aryan. 
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
*aracu
aracan
1585
1025
raajya
raajan
703
701
kingdom
king
*aravam
  833
rava
aarava
697
119
sound, *roar
*iravu
  228
raa

night
*urupu
*uru
uruvu
  141
  14
  17
ruupa

form
ulaku
*ulakam
1064
  542
loogaa

world













m-ending Words
            It is the common phenomenon that the m-ending forms in Dravidian are attested in Sanskrit without this consonant ending.  The reason is obvious.  The Sanskrit language system does not have consonant ending in the words.  Considering the m-ending forms available in Proto Dravidian, those forms may be treated as the proto forms for Dravidian and Indo-Aryan.  The reason is obvious.  A loss of phoneme in a form is very common phenomenon in the comparative linguistics and therefore the m-ending forms are taken as proto forms here.
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
*antam
1096
anta
 37
end, termination
*antaram
1096
antara
 37
sky, open space
*karakam

karaka

waterpot
*kaakam

kaaka
205
crow
*karumam
   
karuma
karuman
197
198
action
*kaamam

kaama
210
love
*kaaraNam
 505
kaaraNa
213
cause
kaalai
*kaalam                                                  
   22
 991
kaala
216
time
*kuncaram
1521
kunjara
225
elephant
*cuuttiram
1427
sutra
940
sutra
*teyvam
  488
daiva
425
God  (divine)
teeem 
*teeyam
1017
  990
deesa
424
country, nation
*naaTakam
1003
naaTya/ naaTaka

dance,drama
*pakkam
  991
pakSa
490
side
*palam
1592
phala

fruit
vaNNam
  563
*varNa
737
colour


Voiceless Initial becomes voiced

            There is no voiced characteristic nature of plosive in proto Dravidian.  So it evident to treat the following forms cognates.  Voiceless plosive becomes voiced one in Sanskrit. 

Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
*teyvam
  488
daiva
425
God  (divine)
*teeem 
*teeyam
1017
  990
deesa
424
country, nation
*ticai
  432
dis
410
direction
*caati
1545
jaati
347
caste

*caakkaaTu
1049
jyaa
355
death

*kutirai
1161
ghooTaka
311                                            
horse

*kulai
1590
gulujcha
294
*cluster

*kuNam
  899
guNa
291
quality

*peem
  849
bheema
621
*fear


Initial ‘c-‘ Loss
            It is the very common nature in Dravidian that the initial *c- of proto Dravidian forms is loss in south Dravidian languages, but while the same nature prevails in the so-called borrowings in Old Tamil, the comparative linguists treat it as a borrowing in comparison with the languages of Dravidian and the languages of Indo-Aryan.  In the same way, in some other languages, initial *c- becomes s- in other languages.  One can observe the same nature in these two language group of families. 
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
amar
1010
*camara
318
war

*c- becomes ‘s-‘
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
*cuuttiram
1427
sutra
940
sutra

Initial ‘h-‘ Loss
            There is no velar fricative of h in proto Dravidian.  So it can be possible to claim the forms such as haara ‘garland’ may be proto language forms.
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
aaram
1586
*haara
 973
garland

Ininitial *k- becomes c-
            Proto Dravidian initial *k- is palatalized to c- before the front vowels.  The following forms are examples for this category. 
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
ciirtti
1040
*kiirtti
224
fame

Some other forms may also be treated as cognates on the ground that there is no aspirated nature in Dravidian and no consonant cluster of phonemes in the initial position of the Dravidian words if the following forms are taken into consideration. 
‘ph-’ < > ‘p-‘
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
palam
1592
phala

fruit

‘pr-‘ > ‘p-‘
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
pakuti
  501
*prakruti
557
part

‘-rN-‘ > ‘-NN-‘
Tol. Words
Sutra
No.
Sanskrit Words
Page No.
Meaning
vaNNam
  563
*varNa
737
colour

Dravidian with Scythic Language  
It is understood that the chief language families in India are Indo-Aryan, Dravidian, Austro-Asiatic, and Tibeto-Burman.  Since the cultivated Dravidian languages abound in Sanskrit words many, many scholars, before Caldwell, once entertained the opinion that Dravidian languages, spoken in the southern part of India, were descended from Sanskrit like the modern Indo-Aryan languages, spoken in the Northern part of India.  While acknowledging the existence of a very large percentage of Sanskrit and Indo-Aryan words in the Dravidian vocabularies, Caldwell (1856) came to conclude that the Dravidian languages had no structural relationship with Sanskrit and attempted to prove that the grammatical affinities of these languages were mainly Scythic-Turanian. 
Others’ View
            Among those who accepted his theories in their entirety special mention must be made of Dr. H.Gundert, a profound scholar of the Malayalam language and literature, and Dr. F. Kittel, a eminent scholar of the Kannada language and literature.  However, Dr. G.U. Pope, a distinguished scholar in Tamil language and literature, was reluctant to accept Caldwell’s theories; and in a series of articles in the Indian Antiquity. He carefully mentions (1) that “between the languages of southern India and those of the Aryan family there may be deeply seated and radical affinities; (2) that the differences between the Dravidian tongues and the Aryan are not so great as between the Celtic (for instance) and the Sanskrit; (3) that, by consequence, the doctrine that the place of the Dravidian dialects is rather with the Aryan than with Turanian family of languages is still capable of defense”.
            Caldwell (1856), of course, accepted the existence of the plenty of Sanskrit words in Dravidian.  However, only on the ground that there is no structural relationship between these two language families, he rejects the earlier theory that Dravidian descended from Sanskrit.  On the contrary, considering the Sanskritic theory that Indo-European, one can notice that the theory established by Sir William Jones in 1896 was mainly developed by the common vocabularies, i.e. treated as cognates, available in Sanskrit and the European languages such as German, Latin, Greek etc.   Here it is an important point to be noted that the gap between the Caldwell’s period and the Sir William Jones period is nearly forty years. 
            There should not be two opinions in adopting the rules and regulations followed in the comparative linguistics.  But it is kept in mind that in both the cases the same rules should have been followed in grouping the language families.  The contrast between these two theories that the former theory developed on the basis of vocabularies was accepted by the scholars working in the field of comparative linguistics whereas the latter theory come out before 4 four decades was summarily rejected.  What is the reason behind that, we don’t know. That is, it is peculiar to say that whereas grouping of Sanskrit under Indo-European is based on the vocabularies, the Dravidian theory fails to agree the same formulae, though the Dravidian and Sanskrit have plenty of common vocabularies, which are cognates alike.
Wherefrom Dravidian Comes  

            The editors of the series of the Linguistic Survey of India remark that “with regard to the Drāvidas, some authorities believe that they arrived in India from the South, while others suppose them to have entered from the North-West where a Dravidian language is still spoken by the Brāhūīs of Baluchistan (Linguistic Survey of India, Vol.IV, p.5).  According to Zvelebil (1990), “that the speakers of Dravidian languages moved from west or Central West Asia to the South Asian sub-continent seems to be indisputable”.  He (1972) earlier proposes a hypothesis that Dravidian marched from the mountains of eastern Iran to South India and Sri Lanka, ‘dropping off’ groups along the way rather like a bus depositing passengers.  He (1972:57) further writes: “the Dravidians were a highlander folk, sitting, sometimes around 4000 B.C. in the rugged mountainous area of North-eastern Iran (where they came into extended contact with the speakers of Uralian / Altaic languages), whence, round about 3500 B.C., they became a South-eastern movement into the Indian subcontinent which went on for about two and a half millennia”.
Speakers of Dravidian and Indo-Aryan
            As Southworth (1976) puts it, “there is nothing against the assumption that the Indus Valley was the area where Dravidian speakers first made their appearance in the subcontinent, after their presumed departure from West Asia”.  According to Emeneau, Zvelebil, Southworth and so on, the speakers of Dravidian language family might have moved from central west Asia to India.  Suppose that the so-called Sanskrit words in Tolkappiyam are treated cognates of Indo-Aryan and Dravidian, there is a possibility to believe that both the speakers of Dravidian and the Indo-Aryan jointly as one family without two groups might have moved together from Central West Asia towards Indian subcontinent. 
            Some other theories say that showing the existence of Dravidian language, Brahui in Baluchistan, the well settled Dravidian speakers in the Sindhu Valley might have been driven away to southern part of India by the Aryan people.  In other way round, it can be presumed that the period at which the Dravidians fled from this valley, is assumed to have separated from each other only after they had lived together in the valley.  In that period itself, both the languages of Dravidian and Indo-Aryan are presumed to have been a single language family of Indo-Dravidic Aryan.

No Short Vowels e and o in Toda
Emaneau further mentions that “proto Dravidian *o represents a correspondence in which all the languages have o,  except that  Toda often has wa, wï, or ï, Gondi in some dialects has a  and Brahui has either ō, u, or a”.  (Emaneau 1970 : 25).
(Ta)              (To)
cevi    ‘ear’   kїfy
eli        ‘rat’   isy
nencu  ‘heart’  nїz
“PDr.  *e represents a correspondence in which all the languages have e, except that Toda often has ö, Parji sometimes has a, Gondi in some dialect, has a,  and some of the other languages sometimes have a;   Brahui has either i or a,”   (Emaneau 1970 : 21).
(Ta)                                           (To)
oTunku  ‘become reduce’         wїDg-
oTi          ‘to break’                    war-
kolu         ‘fat, prosporous’         kwalp-
koy          ‘to pluck’                   kwїy-
            Out of 380 entries with e in DED in total, only 4 occurrences of near cognates have attested in Malto whereas merely 6 occurrences of near cognates out of 374 entries with o in DED, exist in Malto.  In the same way, only 7 occurrences out of 380 DED entries with o and merely 3 occurrences out of 374 with the short o in DED have been recorded in Kurukh, one of the north Dravidian languages.  So, due to this meager percentage of occurrences with e and o available in Malto and Kurukh of the north Dravidian languages, Kamatchi (2006) (SALA-26) claims that there had been no short vowels of e and o in proto Dravidian.
No short Vowels e and o in Dravidian
A close watch on the vowel symbols employed in the early Dravidian records of early Tamil-Brahmi, belonging to 3rd century B.C. to 1st century A.D., evidently shows that there was no distinction between short and long vowel of e and ee and o and oo as available in Sanskrit.  That is, as in the vowel system of Indo-Aryan, no symbol for either short e or o has been recorded in the early Dravidian records.  They were actually not developed to graphemic status in the early period, as far as the paleographic status is concerned.  Suppose that Dravidian had e and o in her phonemic system, why didn’t it have the symbols for e and o in the early records.  So, one can strongly claim that no earlier Dravidian records show the symbols for the short vowels e and o.  What it means is that there might have been no phonemic status for these vowels.  So there is reason to belief that proto Dravidian had no short e and o in its phonemic system.  Therefore, it is assumed that in the later period only, these might have been developed to phonemic status in the languages. 
Comparing this system with the loss of e and o in Brahui, Kamatchi (2005), in his paper on “Are the short vowels of e and o loss in Brahui?”, presented in the SAP-National Seminar on Tribal studies in Dravidian languages, posits that the theory of loss of e and o in Brahui should be reconsidered and further claims that the Dravidian vowel system did not seem to have e and o
Dravidian Borrowings in early Sanskrit
            Burrow had found some twenty words in the earliest Sanskrit recorded, the Rgveda, which he considers to be of Dravidian origin.  A number of them have been accepted by Emeneau; among the most important and most interesting are Skt. khála- ‘threshing floor’, ‘open place’, ‘battle field’ etc.;  Skt. phála- fruit:  Tamil…Malto, palam ‘fruit’, palu ‘to ripen’ etc. and so on.  As Emeneau says, “if the Rig-Vedic examples, or any of them, are accepted, this is evidence for the presence of Dravidian speakers as far toward the northwest as the Panjab, i.e. the Upper Indus Valley, in the first centuries (it is uncertain how many) of the presence of Sanskrit-speakers on Indian soil”.  Though the scholars treat these forms as borrowings, this study, based on the comparative linguistic methods, claims that these forms are purely cognates for these language families.
Conclusion
Linguists all over the world are viable to the rules and regulations in approaching the languages due to the fact that linguistics is scientific study of languages.  But, as we have noted earlier, in comparative Dravidian linguistics, it seems that they fail to follow the very common phenomenea such as metathesis, loss and so on.  In addition, there are a number of forms like these available in Sangam literature to substantiate this study.  Of course, this is the preliminary study.  We are in the computer world. Using the computer, we can collect more evidences thorough internet and e-mail from the scholars belonging to other languages families in the world. If the study goes on this way of hypothesis, we are able to prove that the Dravidian and Indo-Aryan are under the same umbrella.

References

Burrow, T. (1968)  ‘The Loss of Initial *c/s in South Dravidian’. In Collected        Papers on Dravidian Linguistics. Annamalai University : Annamalai nagar.
Caldwell, Robert (1856) A Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South         Indian Family of Languages (3rd edition, London, 1913, reprinted: Madras,     1956.
Emeneau, M. B. (1954) ‘Linguistic Prehistory of India’, PAPS-98, p.282-92.
Southworth, Franklin C.  (1976) ‘On Subgroups in Dravidian’, IJDL-5, p.114-37.
Subrahmanyam, P.S. (1983) Dravidian Comparative Phonology. Annamalai University : Annamalai nagar. 
Zvelebil, Kamil (1972) ‘The Descent of the Dravidians’, IJDL, pp57-63.